Exploring Overlooked Consequences of
Bullying and Adolescent Body Shaming
Valerie Wansink
Under Review at the
International Journal of Child and Adolescent Resilience
Valerie Wansink is a student at Lansing High School (Lansing, NY) and was a research assistant with the Boyce Thompson Institute at Cornell University. [email protected]; 607-220-6050, 159 Reach Run, Ithaca, NY 14850
Exploring Overlooked Consequences of
Bullying and Adolescent Body Shaming
Abstract
How does appearance-based bullying and body shaming in adolescence continue to influence people as young adults? An omnibus survey of young adults showed that those who had been most body shamed were more likely to describe themselves by their appearance (41.5%), were three times more likely to consider plastic surgery, and 22.4% would rather weight 10-lbs less than be more intelligent (8.9%). Because body shamed individuals more commonly seek support from friends (62.7%) and family (31.1%) than professionals (11.2%), helpful mental health messaging can also be directed toward these supportive others. While these results quantify some of the potential long-term dangers that might be associated with body shaming, it also begins to suggest how an overlooked support base can be peers and parents and not just professionals.
KEY WORDS: Bullying, body shaming, schools, parents, adolescence, obesity, mental health, self-identity
Body shaming and appearance-based bullying can have dramatic immediate influences on a person’s self-esteem, especially when they are younger teens or adolescents (Gam et al., 2020). While such bullying is often related to weight and height, it can include a wide range of facial features, physical disabilities, and skin conditions (such as albinism or vitiligo). A key question in this exploratory research is what are some overlooked consequences of such abuse that might persist years later (Ali et al., 2010).
Body shaming and weight bullying is a notable problem because of the psychological damage it can have on people (Green & Lankford, 2016). As noted, although this can happen at all ages (Maiano et al., 2004) it may be most pronounced and harmful when a person is younger (Lunde & Frisen, 2011). It is correlated with low self-esteem, poor school performance, absenteeism, self-handicapping, and even suicide (Green & Lankford, 2016). While shaming and bully used to be most associated as a middle-school and high school problem (Clare et al., 2015), it has now expanded to the internet and social networking sites (Wang et al., 2020). What can we learn from the experiences of body shaming that could help others deal with or recover from body shaming?
By surveying people who have been body shamed, this research specifically documents some overlooked psychological injuries from body shaming and weight bullying, such as how it influences their identity (Ali et al., 2010) and personal goals (Zsila et al., 2021). Knowing how body shaming might bias a person’s self-perception and choices can be useful in providing support and guidance, regardless of whether this support is given by a professional, a parent, or a peer.
To determine how body shaming and fat bullying might influence long after it happens, 341 respondents were asked to complete a series of open- and close-ended survey questions. The results are discussed with an eye toward how they can be used to guide supporters to be more helpful.
Background
Words hurt. Some of these suggested long-term influences of body shaming and bullying include shame (Novitasari & Hamid, 2021), stress (Howard & Medway, 2004), eating disorders (Iannaccone et al., 2016), binge eating (Duarte & Pinto-Gouveia, 2017), and depression (Brewis & Bruening, 2018). This is believed to be both more prevalent and more serious than in the past (Gam et al., 2020) due to the large prevalence of social media. Although it can occur at any point, it is also problematic during middle school transitions (Marchante et al., 2022)
Being bullied can change one’s popularity, friendships (deLara, 2019), and self-concept (Edwards et al., 2010). There are a number of key dimensions of a person’s self-concept (Maiano et al., 2004) and there are several ways adolescents define themselves and their identity (Edwards et al., 2010; Novitasari & Hamid, 2021). For instance, they might see themselves as a football player, or a clarinet player, or a great student, or as a good friend. Alternatively, if a person has been ridiculed by their physical traits – such as their weight or height – they may come to define themselves more by this physical trait than in a more balanced way that also includes talents and social skills (Bharathi & Sreedevi, 2016; Preckel et al., 2013; Salmivalli, 1998; Stodden et al., 2008). Such “self-talk” could, in turn, negatively influence how they grow and the decisions they make.
For most, body shaming and bullying could lead a person to make unwise trade-offs (Ali et al., 2010) and decisions (Novitasari & Hamid, 2021). A person who has been weight shamed might become obsessively focused on losing 10-lbs instead of trying to become smarter or earn better grades. They might also concentrate more on their appearance than on their health. Plastic or cosmetic surgery now promotes itself as a way to escape one’s former self and become a someone else or a new person (Derrick et al., 2017). Plastic surgery may be viewed as by body shamed or bullied person as an easier escape than the other ways they could address the issue of being overly focused on their appearance (Lee et al., 2017).
Much of the research on bullying has examined how mental health professionals and parents can help a body shamed or bullied child (Axford et al., 2015; Holt et al., 2008). The stigma and embarrassment surrounding bullying might, however, alter who a body shamed person wants to turn to for support (Davidson & Demaray, 2007; Kilpatrick Demaray & Kerres Malecki, 2006; Šmigelskas et al., 2018). That is, they may want to talk with someone – such as a friend or romantic partner -- who is less judgmental and who may be closer to the problem (and who might know the bullies or the situation). Specifically, who do body shamed individuals most rely on for support: friends, family, or professionals?
This research investigates these questions, starting with how body shaming has shaped their self-concept and their aspirations. In looking toward solutions, we also determine who a body-shamed youth is most like to approach for help (Helsen et al., 2000).
Method
An online omnibus survey of open- and close-ended questions was conducted with high school graduates (18 years and older) who had experienced body shaming or bullying. These people were recruited through news releases sent to high school lifestyle blogs and through a series of personal networks aimed at college freshmen. Upon arriving at the website with the survey, they were told “You are invited to participate in a research study that seeks to understand the issue of body shaming (the action or practice of humiliating someone by mocking or making critical comments about their physical appearance) among young adults and how to preempt, cope, and stop it.” In exchange for their participation, they were to be sent a summary of the findings of the study.
The questions generally referred to body shaming and bullying that occurred in adolescence (middle school or high school), and 61.4% of the respondents would end up being answered by people who were between 18-22. This was the primary age sample because it gave some temporal distance (an average of five to ten years) from the event (Bradburn et al., 2004; Sudman & Wansink, 2002). That is, it was recent enough to be remembered, but far enough to show some longer-term implications. The survey and study had Institutional Review Board approval from Cornell University.
Those people who indicated that they were 18 or more years of age were asked questions, such as what was the biggest change they would like to make about themselves, and so on. Most of the close-ended questions were of a forced choice nature where they were able to choose only one response.
Of the 341 people who began the survey, 166 (48.7%) completed at least half of it. The median time spent on the survey was around 10 minutes, and those who provided the most in-depth open-ended responses took the most time with the survey. Of those completing the survey 79.5% identified as females. The average age of those completing the survey was 25.03 years (range from 18-62). All genders and ages were pooled together for the analyses. When asked whether they had experienced body shaming as an adolescent 30 indicted “none,” 140 indicated “a little” 93 indicated “a moderate” amount, 51 indicated “a lot” and 14 indicated “a great deal.” For purposes of these analyses, these responses are recategorized as four relative levels of body shaming” None (n=30), Lower (n=140), Moderate (n=93), and Higher (n=65).
Some of the questions needed to be content-analyzed and coded into discrete categories based on prior research and on the frequency of responses. For instance, when asked to describe themselves, the descriptions were categorized broadly as physical features, personality, social skills, or talents. When if they could switch places with anyone in the world for a day, the three primary categories mentioned with famous people (such as celebrities or sports stars), relatives or friends (such as “my dad” or “my uncle”), or myself (“no one else”). After determining the coding categories, two coders in the target range of the student (one was a coauthor) coded the questions on two independent occasions and compared. Any disagreement was discussed resolved.
Results.
Among those 341 people who started the survey, 94.6% were familiar with the term “body shaming,” and 91.1% had experienced at least some degree body shaming (43.0% lower; 27.6% moderate, 20.5% higher). Of the 166 individuals who completed most of the survey, 79.5% were females. Their ages ranged from 18 to 62 years, and 61.4% were 18-22 years old.
How Do Body Shamed People Describe Themselves?
In an open-ended question, participants were asked to write down three words that best describe themselves, and these were coded based on whether they focused on physical traits (such as weight and height), personality traits (such as intelligent or persistent) social skills (such as friendly or fun-loving), or on a talent (such as musical or artistic). An average of 30.6% people used at least one physical feature word to describe themselves.
People who have been most heavily body shamed viewed themselves differently than others. As the rightmost column in Table 1 indicates, they tended to describe themselves relatively more by their physical features (41.5%) and relatively less by their personality or social skills compared to other people. For example, only 26.8% of those who were most heavily body shamed described themselves by their social skills compared to an average of 54.6% of the others (z =10.67; p = .014).
Those who had never been body shamed were much more likely to describe themselves by one of their talents compared to people who had been body shamed (Z=6.083; p<.001). Bullied people defined themselves by their talents only 17.8% of the time, compared to nonbullied people who did so with twice the frequency (35.7%).
Valerie Wansink
Under Review at the
International Journal of Child and Adolescent Resilience
Valerie Wansink is a student at Lansing High School (Lansing, NY) and was a research assistant with the Boyce Thompson Institute at Cornell University. [email protected]; 607-220-6050, 159 Reach Run, Ithaca, NY 14850
Exploring Overlooked Consequences of
Bullying and Adolescent Body Shaming
Abstract
How does appearance-based bullying and body shaming in adolescence continue to influence people as young adults? An omnibus survey of young adults showed that those who had been most body shamed were more likely to describe themselves by their appearance (41.5%), were three times more likely to consider plastic surgery, and 22.4% would rather weight 10-lbs less than be more intelligent (8.9%). Because body shamed individuals more commonly seek support from friends (62.7%) and family (31.1%) than professionals (11.2%), helpful mental health messaging can also be directed toward these supportive others. While these results quantify some of the potential long-term dangers that might be associated with body shaming, it also begins to suggest how an overlooked support base can be peers and parents and not just professionals.
KEY WORDS: Bullying, body shaming, schools, parents, adolescence, obesity, mental health, self-identity
Body shaming and appearance-based bullying can have dramatic immediate influences on a person’s self-esteem, especially when they are younger teens or adolescents (Gam et al., 2020). While such bullying is often related to weight and height, it can include a wide range of facial features, physical disabilities, and skin conditions (such as albinism or vitiligo). A key question in this exploratory research is what are some overlooked consequences of such abuse that might persist years later (Ali et al., 2010).
Body shaming and weight bullying is a notable problem because of the psychological damage it can have on people (Green & Lankford, 2016). As noted, although this can happen at all ages (Maiano et al., 2004) it may be most pronounced and harmful when a person is younger (Lunde & Frisen, 2011). It is correlated with low self-esteem, poor school performance, absenteeism, self-handicapping, and even suicide (Green & Lankford, 2016). While shaming and bully used to be most associated as a middle-school and high school problem (Clare et al., 2015), it has now expanded to the internet and social networking sites (Wang et al., 2020). What can we learn from the experiences of body shaming that could help others deal with or recover from body shaming?
By surveying people who have been body shamed, this research specifically documents some overlooked psychological injuries from body shaming and weight bullying, such as how it influences their identity (Ali et al., 2010) and personal goals (Zsila et al., 2021). Knowing how body shaming might bias a person’s self-perception and choices can be useful in providing support and guidance, regardless of whether this support is given by a professional, a parent, or a peer.
To determine how body shaming and fat bullying might influence long after it happens, 341 respondents were asked to complete a series of open- and close-ended survey questions. The results are discussed with an eye toward how they can be used to guide supporters to be more helpful.
Background
Words hurt. Some of these suggested long-term influences of body shaming and bullying include shame (Novitasari & Hamid, 2021), stress (Howard & Medway, 2004), eating disorders (Iannaccone et al., 2016), binge eating (Duarte & Pinto-Gouveia, 2017), and depression (Brewis & Bruening, 2018). This is believed to be both more prevalent and more serious than in the past (Gam et al., 2020) due to the large prevalence of social media. Although it can occur at any point, it is also problematic during middle school transitions (Marchante et al., 2022)
Being bullied can change one’s popularity, friendships (deLara, 2019), and self-concept (Edwards et al., 2010). There are a number of key dimensions of a person’s self-concept (Maiano et al., 2004) and there are several ways adolescents define themselves and their identity (Edwards et al., 2010; Novitasari & Hamid, 2021). For instance, they might see themselves as a football player, or a clarinet player, or a great student, or as a good friend. Alternatively, if a person has been ridiculed by their physical traits – such as their weight or height – they may come to define themselves more by this physical trait than in a more balanced way that also includes talents and social skills (Bharathi & Sreedevi, 2016; Preckel et al., 2013; Salmivalli, 1998; Stodden et al., 2008). Such “self-talk” could, in turn, negatively influence how they grow and the decisions they make.
For most, body shaming and bullying could lead a person to make unwise trade-offs (Ali et al., 2010) and decisions (Novitasari & Hamid, 2021). A person who has been weight shamed might become obsessively focused on losing 10-lbs instead of trying to become smarter or earn better grades. They might also concentrate more on their appearance than on their health. Plastic or cosmetic surgery now promotes itself as a way to escape one’s former self and become a someone else or a new person (Derrick et al., 2017). Plastic surgery may be viewed as by body shamed or bullied person as an easier escape than the other ways they could address the issue of being overly focused on their appearance (Lee et al., 2017).
Much of the research on bullying has examined how mental health professionals and parents can help a body shamed or bullied child (Axford et al., 2015; Holt et al., 2008). The stigma and embarrassment surrounding bullying might, however, alter who a body shamed person wants to turn to for support (Davidson & Demaray, 2007; Kilpatrick Demaray & Kerres Malecki, 2006; Šmigelskas et al., 2018). That is, they may want to talk with someone – such as a friend or romantic partner -- who is less judgmental and who may be closer to the problem (and who might know the bullies or the situation). Specifically, who do body shamed individuals most rely on for support: friends, family, or professionals?
This research investigates these questions, starting with how body shaming has shaped their self-concept and their aspirations. In looking toward solutions, we also determine who a body-shamed youth is most like to approach for help (Helsen et al., 2000).
Method
An online omnibus survey of open- and close-ended questions was conducted with high school graduates (18 years and older) who had experienced body shaming or bullying. These people were recruited through news releases sent to high school lifestyle blogs and through a series of personal networks aimed at college freshmen. Upon arriving at the website with the survey, they were told “You are invited to participate in a research study that seeks to understand the issue of body shaming (the action or practice of humiliating someone by mocking or making critical comments about their physical appearance) among young adults and how to preempt, cope, and stop it.” In exchange for their participation, they were to be sent a summary of the findings of the study.
The questions generally referred to body shaming and bullying that occurred in adolescence (middle school or high school), and 61.4% of the respondents would end up being answered by people who were between 18-22. This was the primary age sample because it gave some temporal distance (an average of five to ten years) from the event (Bradburn et al., 2004; Sudman & Wansink, 2002). That is, it was recent enough to be remembered, but far enough to show some longer-term implications. The survey and study had Institutional Review Board approval from Cornell University.
Those people who indicated that they were 18 or more years of age were asked questions, such as what was the biggest change they would like to make about themselves, and so on. Most of the close-ended questions were of a forced choice nature where they were able to choose only one response.
Of the 341 people who began the survey, 166 (48.7%) completed at least half of it. The median time spent on the survey was around 10 minutes, and those who provided the most in-depth open-ended responses took the most time with the survey. Of those completing the survey 79.5% identified as females. The average age of those completing the survey was 25.03 years (range from 18-62). All genders and ages were pooled together for the analyses. When asked whether they had experienced body shaming as an adolescent 30 indicted “none,” 140 indicated “a little” 93 indicated “a moderate” amount, 51 indicated “a lot” and 14 indicated “a great deal.” For purposes of these analyses, these responses are recategorized as four relative levels of body shaming” None (n=30), Lower (n=140), Moderate (n=93), and Higher (n=65).
Some of the questions needed to be content-analyzed and coded into discrete categories based on prior research and on the frequency of responses. For instance, when asked to describe themselves, the descriptions were categorized broadly as physical features, personality, social skills, or talents. When if they could switch places with anyone in the world for a day, the three primary categories mentioned with famous people (such as celebrities or sports stars), relatives or friends (such as “my dad” or “my uncle”), or myself (“no one else”). After determining the coding categories, two coders in the target range of the student (one was a coauthor) coded the questions on two independent occasions and compared. Any disagreement was discussed resolved.
Results.
Among those 341 people who started the survey, 94.6% were familiar with the term “body shaming,” and 91.1% had experienced at least some degree body shaming (43.0% lower; 27.6% moderate, 20.5% higher). Of the 166 individuals who completed most of the survey, 79.5% were females. Their ages ranged from 18 to 62 years, and 61.4% were 18-22 years old.
How Do Body Shamed People Describe Themselves?
In an open-ended question, participants were asked to write down three words that best describe themselves, and these were coded based on whether they focused on physical traits (such as weight and height), personality traits (such as intelligent or persistent) social skills (such as friendly or fun-loving), or on a talent (such as musical or artistic). An average of 30.6% people used at least one physical feature word to describe themselves.
People who have been most heavily body shamed viewed themselves differently than others. As the rightmost column in Table 1 indicates, they tended to describe themselves relatively more by their physical features (41.5%) and relatively less by their personality or social skills compared to other people. For example, only 26.8% of those who were most heavily body shamed described themselves by their social skills compared to an average of 54.6% of the others (z =10.67; p = .014).
Those who had never been body shamed were much more likely to describe themselves by one of their talents compared to people who had been body shamed (Z=6.083; p<.001). Bullied people defined themselves by their talents only 17.8% of the time, compared to nonbullied people who did so with twice the frequency (35.7%).
Would Body-Shamed People Rather be Smarter or Skinnier?
Respondents were also asked to choose one out of six qualities about themselves they would most like to permanently change. These six qualities were presented to them in an ordered list: more intelligent, more confident, more fit, more popular, be 2-inces taller, or weigh 10-lbs. less). Table 2 shows that the three most common qualities that were chosen across all individuals were a desire to be more fit (26.9%), weigh 10-lbs less (21.1%), and to be more confident (19.9%).
Interestingly, 21.1% of those who had been body shamed said they would rather weigh 10-lbs. less, but only 14.6% of those surveyed said they would want to be more intelligent. As Table 3 indicates, those who had been most heavily body shamed had the biggest gap between those who would rather to weigh 10-lbs. less versus be more intelligent (a 13.5 percentage point difference). These people were over twice as likely to want to weight 10-lbs. less than to be more intelligent (22.4% versus 8.9%).
Those who had been only moderately shamed were a notable exception. As a group, 26.8% wanted to be more intelligent, and they valued intelligence marginally more (X2 = 6.643; p = .084) than other groups. They also valued being more confidence as less important (X2 =9.645; p = 0.022).
Respondents were also asked to choose one out of six qualities about themselves they would most like to permanently change. These six qualities were presented to them in an ordered list: more intelligent, more confident, more fit, more popular, be 2-inces taller, or weigh 10-lbs. less). Table 2 shows that the three most common qualities that were chosen across all individuals were a desire to be more fit (26.9%), weigh 10-lbs less (21.1%), and to be more confident (19.9%).
Interestingly, 21.1% of those who had been body shamed said they would rather weigh 10-lbs. less, but only 14.6% of those surveyed said they would want to be more intelligent. As Table 3 indicates, those who had been most heavily body shamed had the biggest gap between those who would rather to weigh 10-lbs. less versus be more intelligent (a 13.5 percentage point difference). These people were over twice as likely to want to weight 10-lbs. less than to be more intelligent (22.4% versus 8.9%).
Those who had been only moderately shamed were a notable exception. As a group, 26.8% wanted to be more intelligent, and they valued intelligence marginally more (X2 = 6.643; p = .084) than other groups. They also valued being more confidence as less important (X2 =9.645; p = 0.022).
Escaping: Plastic Surgery and Trading Places
People were asked if they would consider having plastic surgery if money was not a concern. When asked this binary yes/no question, the more body shaming a person had received, the more they were likely to want to have plastic surgery (X2=13.8; p = .003). Among those who had been most body shamed, 35.6% said they would have plastic surgery compared to those wanting plastic surgery who had either been moderately body shamed (17.1%), less body shamed (10.4%), or not body shamed (5.6%).
On this same theme of changing oneself, people were asked to write down the name and description of one person who they might like to switch places with for a day. As Table 3 illustrates, of those people who had not been bullied, 46.7% said they would not trade places with any other person, be it a celebrity or a relative or friend (X2 = 9.30; p = .026). This was significantly higher -- than the 20.5% average for all three levels of those who had been bullied or body shamed.
Body-Shamed Adolescents Turn to Friends Instead of Family
Who do people turn to when they feel body shamed or bullied? Such a question is often asked in a close-ended set of multiple-choice options. Restricting and cuing such responses unfairly bias what person comes to mind. To reduce the likelihood of such bias, this question was asked in an open-ended way. This way a person can write down whatever person or people who they had turned to for support, and all these supporters would be counted.
As Table 4 indicates, body-shamed individuals most frequently turned to friends (37.3%) and to a significant other (25.4%) for support. Surprisingly, they were much less likely to seek support from a mother (23.0%) or father (1.9%) than they were from their friends. Seeing a counselor or psychologist about body shaming was reported by 11.9% of people, often preceded by them first mentioning they would talk with a friend.
Who do people turn to when they feel body shamed or bullied? Such a question is often asked in a close-ended set of multiple-choice options. Restricting and cuing such responses unfairly bias what person comes to mind. To reduce the likelihood of such bias, this question was asked in an open-ended way. This way a person can write down whatever person or people who they had turned to for support, and all these supporters would be counted.
As Table 4 indicates, body-shamed individuals most frequently turned to friends (37.3%) and to a significant other (25.4%) for support. Surprisingly, they were much less likely to seek support from a mother (23.0%) or father (1.9%) than they were from their friends. Seeing a counselor or psychologist about body shaming was reported by 11.9% of people, often preceded by them first mentioning they would talk with a friend.
Discussion
As an exploratory study, this research usefully shows several promising insights that have been missing from earlier findings on this topic. By doing so, it provides a useful rationale to motivate new research in these unexplored areas.
Being body shamed could negatively lead a person to narrowly define themselves physically and not more broadly. In this study, when asked for three words that define them as a person, 31% people defined themselves by their physical appearance. They could have instead defined themselves more positively or in a more empowered way by perceiving themselves based on their social skills (“I’m a people person”) or talents (“I’m good at languages,” or “I’m artistic”), but they could not let go of the way others had treated them.
Another danger of body shaming is that it could lead a person to unwisely focus on their weaknesses instead of on building their strengths. Among those who had been body shamed, 21.1% said they would rather lose 10-lbs. than to be smarter. When looking at the bigger picture of health, this 21.1% chose that they would rather lose 10-lbs. than be more fit (which was another option which 26.9% did choose). Even though it could be said that being more intelligent could have a lifetime for benefits, twice as many people would rather simply weight 10 pounds less today.
Of those who had been most body shamed, 35.6% were interested in plastic surgery, and anyone who had been body shamed was more interested in trading places with another person for a day (compared to those who had not been shamed). Both could be related to an underlying dissatisfaction and a desire for change.
Who can help heal the hurt of bullied children? Those who have been most frequently bullied or shamed were most likely to turn to friends and significant others more frequently than their own family, such as their mother or father. Follow-up interviews indicated that people who have been bullied believed that their mother would be more judgmental than helpful about their situation (Wansink et al., 2017). That is, a parent might be likely to say, “I told you so” or to offer an unhelpful solution than friends. Interestingly, very few people went to their father for help (only 4.7% of those most shamed).
Because body shamed individuals were more likely to seek support from various combinations of friends (62.7%) and family (31.1%) than professionals (11.2%), counseling and mental health messaging can also be directed toward supportive others. There may be a powerful need to feel more fully understood and connected with a peer than with a parent or professional (Riesmeyer et al., 2021). Outreach efforts to connect with body shamed individuals can be broadened to also connect with the friends and family who wish to support them.
Limitations and Future Research
This exploratory study usefully highlights several topics that have been missing from earlier literature. Most of those who took this survey were college-aged people reflecting on body-shaming they had experienced during adolescence. Given their closeness to this emotional issue, they could have had the tendency of either exaggerating or underplaying (repressing) what really happened.
This mostly college-educated population represents only one sample of a larger pool of those who have been body shamed. Similarly, because they are still relatively young, this captures the five- and ten-year effects of body shaming but not the thirty- or forty-year effects of it. People were asked to be part of the survey if they had experienced body shaming. Not all of the people had been directly body shamed themselves, and some may have experienced it through a friend or a relative.
The point of this article was to look back on an incident of body shaming and to then explore overlooked changes that might have taken place as a result. These retrospective memories are difficult to accurately recall unless asked in a way that would have been unduly complex for the nature of this study (Bradburn et al., 2004). Although the trade-offs of retrospective accuracy can be reduced using repeat-series panels (Sudman & Wansink, 2002), the intrusiveness and the reinforcement of these negative experiences could – in themselves – lead the long-term effects to be exaggerated.
These results are correlational, not causal. That is, if a person is heavy, for instance, the weight itself could be a direct cause of one’s psychological stress (Edwards et al., 2010), regardless whether anyone else ever mentioned it or bullied them because of it. Moreover, whereas appearance-related bully and body shaming can cover a wide range from skin problems to facial features to physical disabilities, most of the problems identified here were either weight-related (to heavy or too skinny) or height related (too short or too tall).
The focus of this article is on the longer-term impacts and the problems of body shaming and bullying, and it is promising to see the glimmers of potential solutions. We now know that friends and significant others should be a target of intervention information and insights we discover.
This raises the importance of capturing the experiences of body shamed people to better understand the individual ways they were best able to deal with the experience: how they dealt with the shamers, what self-talk worked best for them, and how they were able to heal and move on. There is a great deal of power in analyzing qualitative with an eye toward providing specific roadmaps and tools to help others in moving forward.
Conclusion
Body shaming, weight shaming, and bullying can scar a person for life. With an increase in childhood obesity, this may become even more severe. These results suggest that body shaming may lead to negative self-perceptions that are based more on one’s physical features than on one’s personality, social skills, or talents. It may also create an unease that makes them believe that plastic surgery is a solution or be l0-lbs lighter is more desirable than being more intelligent. While these results quantify some of the potential long-term dangers that might be associated with body shaming, it also begins to suggest how an overlooked support base can be peers and parents and not just professionals.
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